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Te Rakitamau/Moki  

Upokoruru OWC
Active Member

Rawiri Te Maire Tau in ‘Nga Pikituroa o Ngai Tahu-The Oral traditions of Ngai Tahu’ gives us an interesting exegesis of the so-called Hoani Kahu and Rawiri Te Mamaru texts which contain the traditional narratives of the Kaai Tuhaitara/Kaai Tuahuriri histories regarding the conquest and political realms of the Kaiapoi/Horomaka (Banks Peninsula) and general ‘Waitaha’ (Canterbury) regions after the death of Tutekawa.
On a personal level Te Rakitamau, the son of Tutekawa and Tukorero, holds particular fascination and significance for me because I am a descendant of his through three of his sons, Te Weka, Marama and Hikitiaoteraki. It is also through Hikitiaoteraki’s spouse and cousin Kopiri that I can claim another important whakapapa link to Tutekawa and his second wife Rakanuku. Reading over the many often repeated stories and accounts of Tutekawa from New Zealand's literary past I have noticed many misconstrued ideas and images of this tipuna by non-Maori writers wishing to titillate and entertain their Colonial and Dominion readers. First of all I will take this opportunity to factually state that Tutekawa's iwi affiliations through his father Maika primarily stem from Kati Hawea, a combined aristocratic line of Waitaha and Kati Mamoe and from which his famous great grandfather Te Kurawhaia belonged. Another connection through his father points to Ngati Kahungunu, whilst according to Kaai Tahu sources his mother Hinetauhara was from Kati Mamoe and Ngati Porou. It is through Tutekawa’s children and grandchildren that important whakamoe links are made to the takata-whenua of Te Wahipounamu through Waitaha and Kati Mamoe.It is through Te Rakitamau's wife Punahikoia that the many descendants of Te Weka, Hikitiaoteraki and Marama have Waitaha heritage.
And now in the (post-)modern era we find that Tau’s ‘Realms of Myth and History’('Nga Pikituroa o Ngai Tahu'p.83) he primarily deals with the tribal figure Moki which he uses to give focus and shape to the over-all narrative that includes Te Rakitamau.
Quite recently the significance of Moki has been celebrated and amplified, somewhat artificially, by the stage musical ‘Ahua’ which was commissioned by the Christchurch City Choir and partly funded by Ngai Tahu. The music was scored by Anthony Ritchie and the libretto was written by Keri Hulme.
Anyone familiar with the Moki/Kaai Tuhaitara texts/traditions will no doubt see them essentially to be historical accounts conveyed by the connotations of traditional Maori symbolism, i.e, they are couched in mythological form. This is not to say that they are something less than historical. On the contrary, oral traditions of this sort are historically cognitive because they rely on such devices as mythemes or ‘proper-names’ and thematic templates. For Maori, history and mythology are inter-located, quite literally.
Thus, it is the over-all paradigm and its relationship through myth and connotation that is the most important aspect of why oral tradition tries to convey and is successful as a form of collective memory. No doubt, Tau must be credited in bringing our attention to such devices and their cognitive complexities and how they disclose the over-all traditional Maori paradigm at work.
Having said this, I will take the time to differ to some degree from Tau’s interpretation of the traditions at hand. First of all, I also acknowledge his work on Moki’s warning to Tutekawa’s son Te Rakitamau and its interpretation. Along with this particular piece of narrative and others related to it, Tau aptly uncovers various layers of meaning which are equally valid and relevant to the political context after Tutekawa was killed. I will give the series of phrases under examination as used in ‘Nga pikituroa o Ngai Tahu’(p.100):
“Kaikai a waro i
Ki te mahi aruhe
Te Whao tea ka ora
Te Whao uri ka mate
Te uri kai ra waho ka ora
Te uri ka ra roto ka mate.”

I will know offer a series of commentaries and interpretations of the above tradition relevant to each phrase:
Now, Kaikai a Waro was the former name of Kaiapoi used by Kaai Tahu. A sort of shibboleth is used to distinguished southern Maori from N.Island Maori; the latter tend to render it by the word “Kaiapohia” instead of the name Kaiapoi.
The full name is “Te kohanga o te kaikai a Waro”, the ‘nest’ of the eaters of Waro. Tau reminds his readers that Waro was ontologically part of Maui’s ancestor Murirakawhenua:
“Tikao tells us that Waro was part of Murirakawhenua, in the same sense that they were the same beings. Murirakawhenua was the ancestor, and Waro was the physical form of the spirit of Murirakawhenua.” (p.106).
Waro then is the great Leviathan in the realm of the sea which was pulled up by Maui and became the North Island and was referred to as Murirakawhenua. Tau proceeds to compare Waro with the over-all mythical locator that includes ‘Kaikai-a-Waro’ (-Kaiapoi), just as he compares Maui with Moki, and Maui’s waka Mahaanui with Moki’s vessel Makawhiua (p.107). However, this does not fully explain who or what Waro signifies within the Kaai Tu-Ahuriri context only its location. I believe that the obvious indication between Waro and Tutekawa is that the latter was killed then eaten by the Kai Tuhaitara/Tu-Ahuriri warriors whilst they were at sea, Te Tai-o-Mahaanui, in their war vessel Makawhiua. Like the brothers of Maui-tikitiki-a-Taraka, the conquering Kaai Tuhaitara are the “eaters of Waro”.On a symbolic level I propose that Tutekawa represented the 'Waro'.
The over-all suggested connotation of the Maui epic of hauling up his giant fish or the North Island is that of mana-whenua, legitimate claim and ‘spiritual’ authority in relationship to land. In this sense Tutekawa would embody the sacrament and spiritual aspect of the land through his mana. Thus the Kai Tu-Ahuriri were not only effectively destroying Tutekawa’s authority to the land but incorporating it. We might well imagine some token of this tenure represented by the ‘waro’ been cooked and then eaten in the same manner of neutralizing something that is tapu and then made noa or common through the ritualistic practice of eating it. It is also important to note in the Maui legend that the land which the fish represents was, according to some accounts, already occupied by people with houses and burning fires which further implied the discovery of the tangata whenua. The concept of ‘waro’ can also describe the act of Maui-tikitiki-a-Taraka climbing onto the giant fish and proceeded to dig a pit and use a shell and “…scraped into it the evil spirits who had caused his brothers and himself to offend against the law of tapu, and thus freed them from its consequences.” (A.W.Reed, ‘Reed book of Maori mythology’,p.138). This idea circumscribes the figurative aspect of ‘waro’ (i-ii) as the “abode of the dead”, a pit, abyss , hot coals or embers and coal (Williams.1971.480), whereas the Tregear’s ‘Comparative Polynesian dictionary’ also has the Samoan word ‘waro’ meaning to ‘scrape’. This last definition indicates the ‘mawe’ symbol within the Maui narrative which in this context is represented as soil (Reed.2004.138) and can be ritualistically be performed by cutting off a lock of hair for ceremonial purposes or a token of some vanquished enemy to “nullify reprisals” (Williams.1971.198). ‘Waro’ or waru then, can be seen as the prerogative tasks of cutting or shaving one’s hair or scraping something to free oneself from the effects of tapu after a battle of conquest and requirement of new territories.
Herries-Beattie was told by his Maori informants that kaikaiawaru was some sort of “god”, also a “god or wairua” of the Ngai Tahu probably in the form of a bird, dog or pig. Further, it was described as the general phylem for all species of birds (Herries-Beattie,’Traditional lifeways of the South-Island Maori’-p.401.). These animal forms may have been physical manifestations of the ‘Waru’ spirit and were sacrificial in nature. Thus by eating the ‘Waru’, you were not just devouring a single form, but a spiritually compounded entity. This most importantly has connotations of anthropophagy because if an ariki or high chief embodied the status or mana of the land is eaten by an invading people, then they are effectively consuming and becoming part of the previous ‘ingested’ spiritual and atavistic forms already incorporated within the tangata whenua.
Effectively, Maui was claiming mana-whenua through his grand-mother Mahuika who may well represent a tangata whenua figure. Such atavistic indications within the Maui myth cycles can also be read with the connection of the fish-hook used to catch the fish-land. This hook was the jaw-bone of Murirakawhenua which is caught on the gable figure or tekoteko of a wharenui that emerged with the fish from the sea. The tekoteko usually represents the principal ancestor or tupuna-tuturu of the resident tribe on the marae or the eponymous ancestor by which the wharenui –meeting house is named after. Thus, Maui was laying claim through his grandmother or father to the land of the original occupants.
Now, if we look back to the incident were Moki and his warriors escort back the prisoners, mokopuna o Tutekawa, on the Makawhiua waka where the human remains of Tutekawa are eaten and unceremoniously discarded by throwing them into the sea, we start to get an indication that the misconduct of Moki’s men represents the place of Maui’s brothers who act without a priest or tohuka when they ignore Maui’s prohibitions when he endeavoured to fetch a priest and not to interfere with the fish. After Maui sort a tohuka his brothers proceeded to climb onto the great fish and attempted to cut it up and pound it with their patu.
This is somewhat reminiscent by which the crew of the Makawhiua proceeded to defile themselves or their actions which leads to the cursing of Moki. This part of the tradition about the “curse” is prefigured by the two ubiquitous tohuka-priests Tautini and (H)Iriraki, who are referred to as the “mokopuna” of Tutekawa, The identity of Tautini in particular is of some interest because we also find him in the earlier Tuahuriri (-Te Hikutawatawaoteraki) narrative at Waimea-Nelson amongst the Ngai Tara when Tuahuriri sorts out his ‘real father’. Save to say, that Tautini and Iriraki are deserving of more attention in the overall traditional and that Tautini himself appears to have been a ‘marine deity’. It is also interesting that Moki and the Kaai Tuhaitara traditions make no mention of their own tohuka. On this point we find that Moki’s older brother Turakautahi sends a number of his men across the alps to attend a Kati Wairaki whare-wanaka who we are to believe held the lore of the land. This suggest two things; that the Kai Tuhaitara lacked a qualified tohuka and secondly, that in one version of events, Tautini and Iriraki are also mentioned as the two tohuka who left the Waimea-Nelson district and went to Te Tai-o-Poutini amongst the Kati Wairaki after Moki’s father Tuahuriri attacked and killed his supposed father Tumaro and grandfather Kahukuratepaku. Thus, it will suggest that Turakautahi and his Kaai Tuahuriri desired to re-connect with the older store of knowledge on the West-Coast although the actual kinship ties, if any, between Kati Wairaki and Kaai Tahu during this period is uncertain.

(to be continued.....)

Edited by - Upokoruru on Dec 20 2007 08:10:02 AM

Posted : 19 December, 2007 6:50 pm
Active Member

Gwow what a fantastic read!..cant wait for the rest!!!!:p:p:p:p

Posted : 20 December, 2007 1:00 pm
Upokoruru OWC
Active Member

kia ora Manawa,
I intend to examine things in detail where need be so please be patient and I hope I can inspire you about our heritage. My advice to you is to get a copy of Rawiri Te Maire Tau's book 'Nga pikituroa o Nagi Tahu-the Oral traditions of Ngai Tahu' and all the relevant James Herries-Beattie texts and have a good korero with local kaumatua.Another minor detail is that Te Mamaru refers to the Makawhiu waka as Turakautahi's waka not his teina Moki.
Before we proceed any further I must bring your attention to the renderings of the name Kaikai-a-Waru and Te kohaka-kaikai-a-Waro. The former is usually given for the atua or wairua of the Kaai Tahu iwi although Taare Tikao informs James Herries-Beattie that this is the former name of the Kaiapoi pa (vide-‘Tikao Talks’,p.42). But Rawiri Te Maire Tau uses the name “Kaikai a Waro” on pages 100 and 106 in his text. However, both renderings must be correct since Tau believes the instance of ‘Kaikai a Waro’ in Moki’s warning to Te Rakitamau was part of a tradition passed on by Taare Tikao himself. Tikao explains that when Maui cast his line the sinker sunk to the bottom and he said: ”Kai mai e waro, kai mai e waro, ko waro uri e waro” and “Ko waro tia e waro” before he commanded the great fish to come to the surface (‘Tikao Talks’.p.19). The footnotes given by Beattie are also interesting: ”Waro is a part of Mahuika-it is on the sea, and the latter is on the land. He had two bodies had that giant tipua called Mahuika,” said Tikao, in explanation.….I imagine Waro is a part of Muri-raka-whenua and is that part of the sea-bed from which the says the “Fish of Maui” was pulled up.”(p.22).
A word of explanation is called for here because as Tikao has outlined South Island Maori generally refer to Murirakawhenua as Maui’s grandfather not grandmother. Tikao next says that Mahuika is not only a “giant” but Maui's grandfather and that he cut off his head and extracted his jawbone or kauwae which is then called O-muri-raka-whenua which is Mahuika’s other name. It might appear that Tikao has compounded two related sagas of Maui’s exploits, but all the same the duel figure of Mahuika and Murirakawhenua is given expression in the form of Waro. It is as if this version of a common myth creates an axis point between the symbolism of fire and water, of the chthonic fire image of ‘waro’ outlined in the Williams Maori Dictionary and the embodiment of land or mana-whenua. Such a compounded image of mythological figures is not a deviation of the norm within Maori and Polynesian myth structures. Indeed, myths of this sort have a strong use of proper-names and singularity which is sometimes what Levis-Strauss sometimes called a saturation point which open up variable axis-points within story-telling etc., so the over-all process of the paradigm, the tribal weltanschauung, can revolve which means collective-memory is referentially closed but its cultural organization of content must be one of internal exchanges of meaning and statuses. We may say that the tradition Tikao puts forward has simply retained other mythemes by incorporating them within the excepted ‘mana’ image of whenua where the over-all connotation links all variables or Maui’s deeds into any instance or form so long as it is underpinned and revolves by the use of a proper-name.
Now turning our attention back to Tutekawa we must remember that he initially settled at Kaiapoi before he desired the resources at around Wairewa (-Lake Forsyth) because we are told that the tuna-eels there were more to his liking. We find his name at Lake Waihora (-ellesmere), ‘Te Kete ika a Tutekawa’, which is similar to ‘Te kete ika a Rakaihautu’, because Rakaihautu was the ancestor who created Waihora with his magical ko or digging stick Tuwhakaroria.
Tutekawa’s association with the Upper Rakaia River is found in the Mathias Pass or O-tu-te-kawa through the Southern Alps which eventually links up with the Hokitika River. This was probably the pass that the taua or war-party of Tanetiki, Tutepiriraki, Tutaemaro and Hikatutae used to finally engage the Kati Wairaki on the other-side at Te-Tai-Poutini and which the former three chiefs died at Mahinapua Lake just south of the Hokitika River mouth. O-tu-te-kawa was perhaps bestowed during or some time after this doomed expedition in memory of Tutepiriraki’s grand-father Tutekawa. The Browning Pass or Noti-Raureka, as known to southern Maori, also trans-versed the same territory through the Upper Rakaia River, but would of taken the minor branch of the Wilberforce River and up through the Browning Pass and eventually out towards Lake Kaniere.Tutepiriraki is also remembered along-side the Waimakariri River in Westward or Otutepiriraki.
Other accounts collected by Beattie relate how Tutekawa, Tukorero and their infant son Te Rakitamau were welcomed by three Waitaha/Kati-Mamoe chiefs named Puhou, Rakaihautu and Rakaituna at “Kaiapohia” (~Kaiapoi). The original publication featured in the ‘Journal of the Polynesian Society:Vol.24’ (p.136). This brings us back to the figure called "Puhou" who is also quoted as a contemporary of Raureka, by which the Noti-Raureka aquired its name.After Raureka and her dog crossed the alps she proceeded to the settlement of Puhou at Taumutu across the Rakaia river plains. According to an account recorded by John White in 1887 Raureka eventually married a "Waitahi" [sic.](Waitaha)man named Te Korari and had a son "Te Uraomeho" (vide-J.White,'Ancient history of the Maori:Vol:III,p.177.1887.). Other versions state that she married Puhou which would of given the Waitaha-Kati Mamoe legtimate rights to gather pounamu from the West-Coast-'Te Tai-a-Poutini'.
With the mention of Puhou in the Raureka story and his appearance with Tutekawa, we can place Raureka within the same generation as Tutekawa.What is interesting in this aspect is that Puhou was said to had "granted" land to Tutekawa's son Te Rakitamau and that Taumutu became the principle settlement or 'nohoka' of Te Rakitamau.
However various renditions of this tradition usually presumed that the resident population along the eastern districts of 'Waitaha' (Canterbury)was only Kati-Mamoe and more-over a natural affiliation through Tutekawa’s maternal line from Te Moana i rapua, a Kati-Mamoe woman. Still it is inconclusive why Beattie mentioned a Waitaha element at Kaiapoi when Tu-te-kawa first arrived there, but it is very probable that there was a mixed tribal society of both Waitaha and Kati-Mamoe found at Kaiapoi in the late 17th.century. Most evident though is the fact that Tutekawa’s son Te Rakitamau married the local Waitaha chieftainess Punahikoia who some have claimed was from the Kaiapoi area.
Over-all there are no-less than sixteen tutakiwa or place-names of Tutekawa’s ancestors covering the Wanaka, Hawea and Tiori-patea regions. It is his mana and association within the ‘Waitaha’-Canterbury region that is significant here as evidenced by the gifting of land by the three aforementioned local chiefs that shows us how he embodied the land and why I suspect that he represented the spiritual form known as Waro.
The next phrase used in Moki’s warning to Te Rakitamau is “ki te mahi aruhe’ which simply means that Te Rakitamau should go to Kaiapoi and ‘work ‘the fern-root, which is a menial task allocated for people of low status. However, this was not the case because other related traditions inform us that Te Rakitamau simply ignored what his cousin desired and instead formed a taua or war-party with his two sons Marama and Te Weka and went across the Southern Alps to the West-Coast.Taare Tikao related the following to James Herries-Beattie:"Instead of obeying this order Rakitamau went to the plains and built the pa at Paturiki (Longbeach, near Ashburton), and there he abode till he went over to Westland to fight the Ngati Wairangi, the Ngai Tara and the Ngati-Wairua. The reason the war-parties went there was to get greenstone, but a matakite (seer) saw a vision of them coming in two main divisions, and he warned the people. The tohukas, Tautini and Irirangi, who had fled from Nelson when Tuahuriri took the pa there, had gone with the Patea people to the West Coast, and it was one of them who had the vision, and who took means to stop or hinder the two war-parties.Rakitamau's party went by the Rakaia Girge and the tohukas stopped them with rain and cold."
('Tikao Talks',p.121).The "rain and cold " actually refers to when the taua were forced to take shelter in a cave because of heavy snow fall.Hence this is why Takawa, one of Rakitamau's men, perished under the snow.Once again we encounter the two seers Tautini and Iriraki. It si tehse two figures I belive who not only form a narrative cycle between the previous generation of Tuahuriri/Te Hikutawatawaoteraki at Waimarama-Nelson, but if Tikao is right that the 'Patea' where composed of not only Kati Wairaki and a Kati Mamoe faction but also included those Ngai Tara from the Te Tau Ihu district, then the crucial connection between the Kaai Tuhaitara/Tuahuriri may not lie with the Kati Wairaki on the otherside of the alps but with the Ngai Tara.By way of conjecture we could suggest that historical connection with Ngai Tara may have been through Tuahuriri's mother Rakaitekura and not just Tumaro.
Although I am not certain what route they took it mat have been the Matthius Pass since it was believed Te Rakitamau took a more southern expedition across as opposed to Tanetiki and his Kaai Tahu forces who may have found a northern pass through the mountains.
What I do know is that after Tutekawa died the Kaai Tahu went back to their main settlements at Kaikoura and Waipapa. It was only when Moki’s tuakana Turakautahi decided that the ancient settlement of Mairaki (-Kaiapoi) should become his main kaika and so requested that Tutekawa’s children build and fortify it. It was Tutekawa’s daughter Te Atawhiua through his wife Rakanuku, a Kati Mamoe woman, and her hapu that were brought back to Kaikoura as prisoners with Moki and the Kai Tahu not her half-brother Te Rakitamau. Te Rakitamau lived in his pa at Taumutu at the very southern end of Lake Waihora whilst his father was at the far northern end at Wairewa and so he and his people where never subject to the Kaai Tahu invasion. It seems that the Kaai Te Atawhiua might have been amongst those Kati Mamoe initially attacked at Parakakariki which is believed to be around lyttelton Harbour or her hapu may have present at Waikakahi across the other-side of the peninsula when Whakuku killed the old man Tutekawa sitting huddled up by the fire-place.
The hapu of Te Atawhiua were settled by the Waimakariri River near Kaiapoi these were the ‘back-lots’ of Kuratawhiti (Tawera) which is generally referred to as the ‘Te Whenua’ area bordering the Waimakariri River west of Kaiapoi. This was kiore (rat) and weka (wood-hen) country which was confined to the hinterland of Kaiapoi/Pegasus Bay and appeared to have no mahinga kai rights to sea-food resources. Ironically, the fortification of ‘Te Kohanga-a-Kaikaiawaru’, later to be called Kaiapoi pa, which was realized by the forced labour of Te Atawhiua and her family, became the major bastion and obstacle between her hapu and the dominant Ngai Tu-Ahuriri who controlled the coastal territories. However, we do find Te Atawhiua’s brother Tutepiriraki included as one of the leading chiefs that joined the Kaai Tahu expedition across the Southern Alps-Ka Tiritiri o te Moana to the West-Coast which suggests that the Kaai Te Atawhiua still retained some mana.
An explanation offered by Anderson in ‘The Welcome of Strangers’, p.60, focuses on the incurred ill-favour of Te Atawhiua and her whanau by the Ngai Tuwhaitara and Ngati Kuri conquerors perhaps due to her Waitaha lineage through her mother Rakanuku and Tutekawa although her half-brother Te Rakitamau was treated better in the filial arms of armistice because of Tu-Korero, his mother, who was the sister of Hinetewai and a wife of Tu-Ahuriri. Moreover both women were descendants of Tuhaitara. However, I believe any ill-favour shown to them may have also been a matter of Te Atawhiua’s connections to Utakahore and Tupuku through marriage and the fact that they were descended from Kahungunu and through a teina or junior line from Tamatearahi, the youngest brother of Marukore of Ngati Mamoe and Te Kahea. Further, Utakahore seems to have been killed, perhaps in battle, and his younger brother Tupuku then took his place with Te Atawhiua. Herries-Beattie recorded part of a tradition that came from Taare Te Maiharoa which seems to imply Utakahore was killed in a battle:” Ka moe a Utakahore ia Te Atawhina tana ko Matakai na ka mate a Utakahore i te parekura i o Rutakiao nga moe a Te Atawhina ia Tupuku….” (DHL. H.B ‘Whakapapa Book’-PC-0168.). That is Utakahore was killed at the battle of Ratakiao and his widow Te Atawhiua was given to the teina or younger brother, Tupuku, in the traditional custom she was known as putao, a widow eligible for re-marriage. But where or who was ‘Rutakiao’? This name has no other instance within South Island Maori traditions nor does it register with any other known names that the writer has knowledge of. Such an incident may be part of the Kaai Tuhaitara incursion of Kati Mamoe territories around Banks Peninsula were they attacked the pa at Parakakariki or perhaps an early attack made at Putaringamotu. These incidents were said to have occurred before Kaai Tahu killed Tutekawa at Waikakahi.
To conclude from these points; Te Rakitamau never made any difference to the Kaiapoi power-house. He effectively still maintained his mana-whenua of the territories south of Horomaka-Banks Peninsula and right across the Rakaia region. Kai tahu had no influence in these areas. They concentrated their gains around Kaiapoi. It was only about a generation later that Kaai Tahu started to spread out of the Banks Peninsula and Mid-Canterbury areas for we find that Te Ruahikihiki settled at Taumutu where Te Rakitamau once reigned and that the Kati Huirapa intermarried with his grand-son Takaoteraki that they migrated further south to Arowhenua.
It is Te Rakitamau’s campaign of conquest across the western lakes regions of Ohau, Hawea and Wanaka that we really get to see and understand what was implied in the following phrases of Moki’s warning.

(...to be continued...)

Edited by - Upokoruru on Jan 22 2008 3:05:25 PM

Edited by - Upokoruru on Feb 12 2008 12:55:28 PM

Posted : 20 December, 2007 10:13 pm
Upokoruru OWC
Active Member

I shall call to your attention regarding the Tinirau/Kae myth and their "ancestor" Tutunui that Whiro-te-tipua is a descendant of Kae. I am confident enough to identify this Whiro-te-tipua with the tipuna called "Kahui-tipua". In the Arowhenua traditions of Hipa Te Maiharoa the figure called "Kahui-tipua" was said to be named after the tribe of that name,i.e, the "flocks-of-Tipua", and not the other-way round, i.e, those ancient 'beings' who accompanied the Kahui-a-Roko and Waitaha on the Uruao to this land.However, Whiro-te-tipua and Kahui-tipua are both descended from Kae, both are sometimes shown as the father of Toi which is also evidently cited in Nga-Puhi tradition where Taonui conjoined the descent lines of Rakaihautu (progenitor of the Waitaha race)down to his gr.gr.grand-daughter Hinerauti as the mother of Toi according to S.Island lore and that of Whiro who is more well known in Nga-Puhi tradition as Toi's father. I believe on this point alone stands the identity of ancient Waitaha lore that refers to the figure "Kahui-tipua" is infact an older form of the name and epithet of "Whiro-te-tipua". Tura, the semi-mythical founder of the Kati Iraturoto and Kati Wairaki, is usually refered to as the "brother" of Whiro.Tura-wairakihaere: this epithet means Tura the 'mad or inspired traveller'.
Taonui's appointment of this apparent synthesis of the two traditions, i.e, between Nga-Puhi and Waitaha, has been on occassion a point of non-confidence with kaumatua and scholars.But, we now know that both both Taonui and Te Maiharoa's authority on this particular matter is very crucial in identifying a common atavistic bond between the two tribes.
The significance of identifying Whiro-te-tipua with Kahui-tipua will be expalined later to see how they relate in mythical form in the Tinirau/Kae and later Tutekawa and Moki traditions.(I am currently sojourning in central Sydney, so I am officially on holiday I quess)

Edited by - Upokoruru on Feb 05 2008 8:48:48 PM

Posted : 22 January, 2008 3:22 pm